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『簡體書』三访江村(英文版)

書城自編碼: 3269347
分類:簡體書→大陸圖書→外語FOR老外
作者: 费孝通
國際書號(ISBN): 9787510465833
出版社: 新世界出版社
出版日期: 2018-11-01


書度/開本: 32开

售價:HK$ 153.4

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編輯推薦:
江村,因为费孝通的《江村经济》而成为蜚声国际的名字,江村奠定了费孝通在人类学界的地位。本书记录了费先生的三次江村之旅。
內容簡介:
1936年费孝通先生到家乡附近的吴江七都开弦弓村疗养,在村中的所见所闻称为他博士学位论文也是世界社会学经典之作《江村经济》(英文名:开弦弓村:中国农民的生活)的重要素材。《江村经济》一书描述了中国农民的消费、生产、分配和交易等体系,并江村的经济体系与特定地理环境的关系及其社会结构的关系。作者通过对一个小乡村的观察展现了20世纪30年代中国乡村在资本主义经济浪潮影响下所面临的变革。此后,费先生在1957年和1981年又两次到江村进行田野作业。1957年1981年对于中国农村都是具有历史意义的年份:1957年,农村合作化运动已至高超,参加合作社的农户已在96%以上,但在一些地区出现了农户推出合作社的现象。1981年,中央正是承认了争论30年的包产到户的合法性。费先生以一个社会学家敏感和洞察力,再次对当时江村的情况进行了记录。费先生评价如此评价对江村的调查:透过这个村子的小小窗口可以看到中国农村半个世纪以来的巨大变化。本书至今仍具有很高的史料和学术价值。
關於作者:
费孝通,中国著名社会学家、人类学家、民族学家、社会活动家,是中国社会学和人类学的奠基人之一,也是一位具有世界影响力的社会学家和人类学家。为中国农民找一条出路,是他研述一生的大课题。他在导师著名英国人类学家马林诺夫斯基的指导下完成的博士学位论文《江村经济》被誉为人类学实地调查和理论工作发展中的一个里程碑,成为国际人类学界的经典之作。
目錄
CONTENTS
FOREWORD
I
PEASANT LIFE IN CHINA ABRIDGEMENT,
1936 1
AN INTERPRETATION OF CHINESE SOCIAL
STRUCTURE AND ITS CHANGES 1946 143
KAIXIANGONG
REVISITED 1957 187
PRESENT DAY KAIXIANGONG 1981 238
FINDINGS OF THE KAIXIANGONG VILLAGE RESEARCH GROUP 1981 256
CHANGES IN PEASANT LIFE IN KAIXIAN''GONG
DURING THE PASTFIFTY YEARS.. . . . . . 257
A LOOK AT KAIXIAN''GONG''S MARRIAGE AND
FAMILY PROBLEMS. .. . . . . . . . . 300

FAMILY STRUCTURE AND
MOTHER-IN-LAW-DAUGHTER-INLAW RELATIONS IN KAIXIAN''GONG. . . .316


INDEX 324
內容試閱
FOREWORD
The major part of the present book
comprises my research findings from field studies in Kaixiangong Village on
three different occasions, once in 1936, again in 1957, and once again in
1980. These three years happen to mark three distinct historical periods in
modern Chinese history. The year 1936 came right on the eve of the War of
Resistance Against Japan; 1957 was the first year after the completion of
Chinas socialist rural collectivization; and 1980 saw the initial success of
the new economic policies adopted at the Third Plenum of the Eleventh
Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978, which had set to rights many
things distorted during the cultural revolution 1966-76.
In a time of such political upheaval and
social transformation as during the last fifty years in China, I can only
consider myself fortunate to have been able to carry out systematic studies
on a single village in different periods. These three visits, widely
separated in time, have allowed me to personally witness and record the
various stages of social transformation as reflected in the microcosm of
Kaixiangong. My intention in incorporating
my previous findings in one book is
to present the historical context of the ongoing reforms so that the reader
may better understand and appreciate their far-reaching significance.
By way of introduction, I would like
to acquaint my readers with my original purpose in studying sociology and the
circumstances under which I undertook these studies.
Why I Took up Sociology as a
Profession My original ambition was to become a medical doctor. I had
actually finished all the preparatory courses at Dongwu University for
entrance to the Peking Union Medical College. But I changed my mind later and
entered the Sociology
Department of Peking University
instead. One may perhaps wonder why I did this.
Medicine is concerned about peoples
health conditions rather than their social environment. A doctor would
generally do no more than diagnose the patients illness and write out the
appropriate prescription. He would not, nor should he, delve into questions
concerning the patients livelihood and the various social factors that may
have contributed to the illness. For me this was far from sufficient,
considering social conditions at that
time. I was of the opinion that
peoples diseases were attributable not only to viruses and germs, but even
more to poverty, malnutrition and other social ills. Therefore the
elimination of disease would be out of the question without first eliminating
the causative social factors.
However, I had never even heard of
sociology before I entered Peking University. But the introduction into this
new science by Professor Xu Shilian, dean of the sociology department,
was so impressive that I decided on
the spot to become his student.
The extent of my knowledge at that
time was that few people living in this society had a clear understanding of
it. More often than not, we proved helpless in the face of the myriad
omnipresent social customs, living our lives in a passive manner.
As a student of sociology, I started
to scrutinize society objectively and constantly pried into the reasons for
conventionally accepted values and social phenomena, hoping to discover a
universal law underlying them all. Take for example the terms of address used
by children for their parents. Why may Westerners call their parents by their
given names, whereas Chinese children would never think of doing so? The
easiest answer might be that they live in two different societies. But how
did the differences between the two societies originate? When did the whole
process start? I was more and more convinced that questions like those were
not mere coincidence, but problems concerning sociology.
Things change and develop in
accordance with their respective laws. Each nation has its own social customs
and norms which appear natural and commonplace to its own people, which are
in fact the inevitable results of its specific social conditions. In them we
can trace the general pattern of social development.
The first person to take a given
peoples kinship terminology as a subject for academic research was Mr. Lewis
Henry Morgan, the 19th century American anthropologist. He discovered after
living among the American Indians for many years that Indian children
invariably called all their male elders father and their female elders
mother. Linking these terms of address with their marriage system, he
worked out his theory of social change and a system of social evolution. Inspired
by Morgans discoveries, Engels wrote his famous book The Origins of Private
Ownership, Family and State, one of the Marxist classics. My intention here
is not to elaborate their theories. I merely point out that we must not
belittle the significance of even so small a thing as terms of address.
In our social life, once we begin to
perceive ourselves as objective beings and start to study our lives in a
detached manner, our understanding of many things will become much
deeper and we ourselves may become
more tolerant and open-minded. Many of my friends have wondered how I could
possibly have borne all the political and personal slanders I suffered
previously. It is true that no one could have enjoyed the groundless, vicious
slander to which one was subjected. But I found in the painful experience an
opportunity to study human
behavior and society. Indeed could
you ever penetrate more deeply into the human soul than under the
circumstances in which a person one day treats you with great respect and civility,

and the next day with hatred and
contempt? In fact such behavior will not only open our eyes to that persons
innermost being but will also shed light as well on a variety of human
activities.
The chaotic years of the cultural
revolution gave us the opportunity to see many phenomena appear in so
blatant a manner that we would otherwise have never had the chance to
witness. Therefore, rather than passively being criticized, I regarded it as
an stage from which to observe society.
Man evolved from a state of
unconsciousness to the state of consciousness, from the kingdom of necessity
to the kingdom of freedom. This process was a process of mans
self-realization.
Man was at first a part of nature
itself. The evolution of Peking man to modern man could never have been
projected by the primitive Peking men themselves. Nor could they have ever

 

 

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